Crooke opens this volume with a chapter on the Evil Eye, citing Pliny's observation that it was a special superstition of India and noting that villagers often conceal the true purpose of protective marks on houses, claiming they are decorative. He records a theory that an invisible spirit born with a child can be starved by keeping one breast tied for forty days, preventing the child from acquiring the Evil Eye. This blend of classical reference, ethnographic detail, and reluctance to discuss the topic sets the tone for a work that treats belief as both pervasive and guarded.

The Evil Eye and Protective Practices

Crooke describes the difficulty of investigating the Evil Eye because few natives speak of it openly. He notes that walking through villages, one sees special marks and symbols on houses intended to counteract it, but residents almost invariably explain them as decorative or give a motive that conceals the real basis. He records a specific belief: when a child is born, an invisible spirit is born with it; unless the mother keeps one breast tied up for forty days while feeding the child with the other, the child grows up with the Evil Eye. This detail, attributed to a named source, illustrates how the belief is embedded in domestic practice. Crooke also cites the Prophet's saying from the Miskât that if anything could overcome fate, it would be the Evil Eye, showing the concept's reach beyond Hindu contexts.

The Fire-Drill and Sacred Fire

Crooke provides a detailed description of the Aranî, the fire-drill used to produce sacred fire. He enumerates its five pieces: the Adhararanî (lower bed) made of hard Khadira wood, with a shallow round cavity (Garta) and an oblong cavity (Yonî) for tinder; the Uttararanî or Pramantha (upper drill) with a Mantha (churner) and a Sanku (spike) made of softer Pîpal wood; and the Upamantha (upper churner) pressed down by one priest while another revolves the drill with a rope. He notes that the implement is regarded as mystical and its production kept secret. Crooke connects this to the Agnikunda, the fire pit from which Râjput tribes are said to have originated, and to the duty of the Agnihotri Brâhman to preserve the germ of sacred fire, like Roman vestal virgins.

Comparative and Classical References

Throughout the excerpts, Crooke draws on a wide range of sources. He opens the Evil Eye chapter with a line from Virgil's Eclogues and cites Pliny on Indian superstitions. He references an African folk-tale about fire production by friction, where the hyena gets his ear burnt, and a tale from Somadeva about a Brâhman performing a Vilva sacrifice from which golden fruits emerge. He also notes the Muhammadan sacred fire and compares it to ancient Irish practice, where fire was obtained by friction of wood and striking stones, and spirits of fire were thought to dwell in these objects. These comparisons place Indian beliefs within a global framework of folkloric parallels, though Crooke does not assert direct influence.

Readers should note that Crooke's method relies heavily on reported beliefs and classical citations rather than sustained narrative. The volume is organized by topic, with each chapter collecting examples from various regions and traditions. The excerpts suggest that Crooke is more interested in cataloguing practices than in analyzing their social context, making this a reference work for comparative folklorists rather than a continuous study of any single community.